Pakistan hosted Washington and Tehran delegations on April 11. At almost the same time, Islamabad sent fighter aircraft to Saudi Arabia.

A tight diplomatic balancing act

Pakistan’s attempt to play peacemaker between the United States and Iran has been running alongside a very different set of moves: a military deployment to Saudi Arabia under a defence pact signed last year. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif met United States Vice President JD Vance on the sidelines of talks involving Washington and Tehran, even as the Saudi Ministry of Defence announced the arrival of Pakistani forces at King Abdulaziz Air Base in the kingdom’s Eastern Province.

These two events happened at the same time for a reason. They show Pakistan trying to be both mediator and military partner at the same time. The Saudi statement said the contingent included fighter and support aircraft from the Pakistan Air Force and framed the deployment as aimed at strengthening joint operations and readiness under the Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement, or SMDA.

Hosting talks between the US and Iran while sending troops to a country hit by Iranian strikes looks complicated. Pakistani officials and several analysts argue the country can manage both roles.

But the practicalities are delicate: diplomatic channels, military obligations and a ceasefire that has a short deadline all collide.

What Islamabad has done — and what it hasn't said

Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif's discussions with Vice President JD Vance came as part of the highest-level direct engagement between Washington and Tehran since 1979. Islamabad has positioned itself as a venue and facilitator for talks, saying it will continue to host and encourage rounds of diplomacy for as long as they're needed.

At the same time, Riyadh's public announcement made clear Pakistan had already begun to fulfil certain aspects of the SMDA. The Saudi Press Agency carried the defence ministry statement naming King Abdulaziz Air Base as the location and detailing the Pakistan Air Force contribution.

Pakistan's civilian ministries and military press office haven't clarified when or how big the deployment is. Inter-Services Public Relations, the Ministry of Information and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs didn't respond to requests for comment in the immediate aftermath of the Saudi announcement. That silence has left room for questions about how Islamabad will thread the needle politically.

Regional pressure and a ticking ceasefire

The bigger picture makes this balancing act even tougher. The conflict — and the steps nations take in response — has already rattled the global economy.

Mastheads

A US naval blockade of Iranian ports is in effect and the temporary ceasefire that Pakistan helped broker between Washington and Tehran is due to expire on April 22.

Those dates matter. If the ceasefire collapses, or if Iran resumes strikes on Gulf partners, Pakistan's obligations under the SMDA could draw it more directly into military preparations with Saudi Arabia. At the same time, renewed hostility would undercut Islamabad’s ability to convince both Washington and Tehran to keep talking.

Mohammed bin Abdullah Al-Jadaan, Saudi Arabia’s finance minister, made a brief visit to Islamabad shortly before the talks took place, underlining growing ties between the two capitals. His visit came a day before the delegation talks opened and was followed closely by the defence announcement from Riyadh. That sequence shows Saudi Arabia moving to solidify military coordination while also engaging in high-level diplomacy.

Domestic politics and military influence

Inside Pakistan, the dynamic between civilian leaders and the military is always central. The deployment to Saudi Arabia involves the Pakistan Air Force — a visible military contribution. For a government that wants to be seen as a sober broker for regional diplomacy, sending pilots and jets to a country that had been targeted during the conflict places the civilian leadership in a delicate spot.

Pakistan’s military has long influenced foreign policy, especially regarding Gulf countries. The SMDA formalises some of that cooperation. Analysts say Islamabad's leadership will try to keep assurances of impartial mediation while fulfilling defence commitments to an important ally. That’s politically tricky. It risks criticism from domestic critics who will question whether Pakistan can credibly host talks if it's visibly arming one side.

Economic implications beyond the region

The conflict has already shaken markets. Shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, where much of the world's oil transits, has been the focus of strategic concern. Disruptions, or even the risk of disruption, mean upward pressure on energy prices. That ripple runs through economies across Europe and beyond.

For Ireland and other EU states, higher oil and gas costs feed into higher transport and production bills. Imports that rely on timely shipping could face delays and extra expense. Irish households may feel some of that pressure in fuel bills, while businesses that import intermediate goods might see costs edge up. So while Pakistan’s diplomacy and Saudi ties are regionally focused, the economic fall-out is global.

There's also a financial angle for Islamabad. Pakistan has been courting deeper economic and investment ties with Gulf partners in recent years. Defence and financial cooperation often come as package deals; security assurances and deployments can help smooth access to investment, loans or oil credit lines. That reality likely plays into why Pakistani leaders have sought to maintain both close ties with Riyadh and a seat at the mediation table.

What the options look like

One possible route for Pakistan is to keep a strictly defensive posture in Saudi Arabia — basing forces, carrying out joint readiness exercises and avoiding combat engagement unless formally called under the SMDA. That would allow Islamabad to maintain the mediator role while keeping its Gulf partnership intact.

Another path is deeper operational alignment with Riyadh. Still that would risk alienating Tehran and complicating Pakistan's diplomatic usefulness between Washington and Iran. It could also increase the likelihood that domestic opponents accuse the government of choosing sides rather than promoting de-escalation.

But there are constraints. The international environment — from a US naval blockade to the looming ceasefire deadline — limits Islamabad's manoeuvring room. Pakistan will have to show partners in Washington and Riyadh that it can be trusted. It will also have to persuade Tehran that hosting talks doesn't imply bias.

Whatever Pakistan decides, the interplay between diplomacy and defence commitments will be closely watched by regional capitals. If diplomatic channels open further, Islamabad could be credited for hosting talks that reduce tensions. If fighting resumes or the Saudi deployment is used in a more aggressive posture, the opposite will be true.

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The ceasefire Islamabad brokered between Washington and Tehran is set to expire on April 22.

This article was created with AI assistance.